Read full media profile. The ruined city of Pagan, capital of the Kingdom of Pagan. A million Muslim Rohingya reportedly fled persecution at the hands of the military and locals who burned villages to the ground in Read full timeline. Related Topics. Aung San Suu Kyi Myanmar. Development cooperation. After opening up in , Myanmar attracted numerous international organizations and donors.
The increasing involvement of foreign donors also involves risks, as the state has limited capacity to absorb assistance. Also, some local actors feel that not all international consultants who work in Myanmar have sufficient country expertise.
Myanmar needs smart development aid that can take the many local factors into account. Despite attempts to improve donor coordination after the NLD government came to power, much still remains to be done. Causes of ethnic conflicts. According to the major EAOs, there can be no real peace without political negotiations on the questions of ethnic self-determination and federalism.
Core causes of ethnic conflict are political grievances related to ethnic self-determination, representation and equality, war-related security and development grievances, and the mistrust and resentment fuelled by failed peace initiatives. Peace initiatives. The various ethnic groups agree that only political negotiations on self-determination, federalism and ethnic equality can resolve the ethnic conflicts in Myanmar.
The key question on process design concerns sequencing: which should come first, political negotiations on arrangements for a federal union, or arms surrender in a nationwide ceasefire as a precondition for political talks? Inclusivity in the process is essential. Without the participation and influence of the major EAOs, the political process is unlikely to yield substantive and lasting peace. Migration, climate change and humanitarian needs Migration. In Myanmar, there are three main general drivers of migration: poverty, violent ethnic conflict and natural disasters.
As regards forced migration, the situation between and was actually worse than before the political thaw UNHCR For labour migrants, there could be some scope for return, and Myanmar needs people to fulfil the many new roles in its transitioning economy. Climate change. Government institutions need a better understanding of climate change and its effects — both direct impacts on Myanmar and indirect impacts via neighbouring countries such as Bangladesh Overland et al.
Myanmar state officials have limited technical capacity to participate in and handle international negotiations on climate change, or to implement environmental agreements.
Myanmar therefore greatly needs support in strengthening its technical capacities. Climate change may appear to be an abstract and remote problem for a country with many more pressing concerns, but the impacts of climate change on Myanmar are proving more immediate than expected, and are likely to be even greater in the future.
During military rule, Myanmar was regarded as one of the most oppressive countries in the world. International human rights organizations confirm improvements since , but also find that there has been little change in some important areas. Aung San Suu Kyi has been criticized by the international community for inaction and silence on the Rohingya crisis and for doing little to prevent grave human rights abuses by the military, against a stateless community that is recognized by neither Myanmar nor Bangladesh.
Defenders of the NLD government point to the real power of the military and the risk of a return to military rule, either through a coup or by electoral means. The local conflict in Rakhine has become politicized, both within Myanmar and internationally. It has the potential to destabilize the NLD government and further securitize politics in Myanmar. The conflict may also be used strategically for the dual purpose of destabilization and securitization, especially by actors within the military.
She faces charges that range from illegally possessing walkie-talkie radios to violating a state secrets law. She is at her home and healthy. She is going to face trial at the court in a few days," Min Aung Hlaing said by video link with the Hong Kong-based Chinese language broadcaster Phoenix Television on May 20, in excerpts released on Saturday.
The interviewer asked him what he thought of the performance of Suu Kyi, 75, who is widely admired in the country of 53 million for her campaign that had brought tentative democratic reforms which were cut short by the coup.
He reiterated that the army had seized power because it had identified fraud in an election won by Suu Kyi's party in November - although its accusations were rejected by the then election commission. He said the army would hold elections and potential changes to the constitution had been identified and would be made if they were "the people's will". Suu Kyi's next court appearance is due on Monday in the capital Naypyidaw. The upper echelons of the military and their families have used their control to enrich themselves , largely at the expense of pre-existing political and social elites.
The continued wealth of their families would be threatened by any new government that could punish the corruption, reverse the land transfers and demand transfer of foreign bank accounts whose existence explains in part why most Burmese are so poor. The military has followed a pattern of controlling the government for as long as it can in one guise and then, when a crisis hits, reinventing the official purpose for its continued control under another guise — and another name.
This gave way to the State Law and Order Restoration Council in , followed by the State Peace and Development Committee in , which in turn was replaced in by the Thein Sein interim government. But this changed in when the NDL, having won won an earlier round of elections in , created the office of state counsellor for Aung San Suu Kyi. The move allowed to take her place as de facto leader, with Win Myint as the figurehead president.
In , the Myanmar military launched a brutal assault on the Rohingya ethnic group in the province of Rakhine in Western Myanmar. Thanks to social media campaigns on platforms such as like Facebook, the majority Bamar Budhdist population had been whipped up into an anti-Islamic frenzy.
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